by Nicholas J. Vocca
Over
the recent years since the War on Terror began in the wake of the
vicious and cowardly attacks on the World Trade Center and Pentagon on
September 11, 2001, the practice of assassinating high-value political
targets who posed a threat to national or global security has perhaps
been employed more than most care to realize.
During
his final months in office, then-President Dwight David Eisenhower
issued an executive order in which C.I.A. chemist Sidney Gottlieb
boarded a trans-Atlantic flight to the Congo with a carry-on bag
containing vials of poison, and a hypodermic needle.
Shortly
after he reported to Larry Devlin, the senior C.I.A. official in
Leopoldville, Gottlieb briefed him how the toxins were intended for use
in the foods or beverages of Congo's Prime Minister, Patrice Lumumba, as
it was the Eisenhower Administration's belief that Lumumba had gone
"soft" on Communism.
Stating
in further testimony how he felt "ashamed" over the command, Devlin
further detailed how he was able to carry out the assignment to
effectively eradicate the Prime Minister by arming and funding Lumumba's
political foes who executed him in January of the following year.
As
the former commander of the Allied Forces from D-Day until the end of
World War II, Eisenhower, forever remembering the vast carnage he
witnessed, claimed he hated "war" as anyone who has lived it does, and
thus found that political assassinations provided a more desirable
avenue of removing undesirable leaders as opposed to engaging in
military actions which would only result in more human misery, and
possibly nuclear war.
Regarded
as being precise, efficient, and ultimately
humane, the task of putting this theory into affect was assigned to the
C.I.A., more because this agency had registered an impressive tally of
taking out unreliable leaders who were once considered as major
liabilities to American interests and securities abroad, or those of our
allies.
In
1953, it was Iran's Mohammad Mosedegh, followed by Guatemala's Jacobo
Arbenz Guzman, one-year later. Ngo Dinh Diem of South Vietnam left the
planet unexpectedly in 1963, and Salvador Allende, of Chile, did the
same in 1973.
A
review of some past covert operations do show that such strategies were
beneficial to America's national security in the short-term, but later
festered more grievous ones in the long-term which have rebounded with
continual costly and unfavorable results.
Although
the dictator Joseph Mobutu, who succeeded Lumumba, was a strong
supporter of the
United states until his passing in 1997, the recoil of his cruel and
callous treatment of his people laid the bricks which later drove the
Congo into a chaotic decline.
The
Iran Revolution of 1979, where insurgents toppled the Pahlavi dynasty
and forced Shah Reza Pahlavi's exile to the United States, was fueled
more by memories of Mosedegh's assassination, and gave birth to a deep,
anti-American sentiment which still bewilders Washington some 30-years
later.
After
a Congressional investigation of the C.I.A. revealed the depth of this
agency's plots in such operations, President Gerald Ford signed an
executive order banning political assassinations as a way of restoring
America's values of being committed to democracy worldwide, and as
future Presidents issued similar orders in the name of human rights and
the rules of law, it appeared that the era of such covert operations had
come to an end.
At 09:03
hours on the morning of September 11, 2001, hearts and breathing
stopped momentarily across the nation when United Airlines Flight 175
became the second plane to crash into the World Trade Center in New York
City, and it had become apparent that America was under attack by
terrorists determined to destroy and weaken our sovereign way of life.
Within
days of this stunning and devastating attack which killed nearly 3,000
innocent people, President George W. Bush responded favorably to the
petitions of high-level C.I.A. officials by signing a still
classified executive order which authorized that agency to hunt down
and assassinate Al Qaeda leaders anywhere in the world.
Over
the decade since that very shattering and dark day in American history,
which we as a nation cannot afford to forget, the target-killings of
known or suspected terrorists has consistently mutated beyond the scope
of its original limits where it is estimated that some 3,000 people and
an unknown amount of civilians have been killed in such strikes since
2001; a figure that would be much higher were the death tolls from
strikes in Afghanistan and Iraq included.
Contrary
to what most may believe, the selective efforts to capture or kill
high-value targets is no longer one handed solely to the C.I.A.
As
more insurgent groups sprouted in opposition of the American occupation
of Iraq during that war, Defense Secretary Donald
Rumsfeld advocated for the Pentagon to use its clandestine operatives,
the Joint Special Operations Command, led by General Stanley McChrystal,
to pursue and dispose of terrorist operatives by using whatever means
available as an attempt to strengthen our show of force against
terrorists, and reduce the growth of their ranks.
Though
the American public for years had knowledge about the use of drones
being used to eliminate key terrorist and other subversive figures, and
appreciate the values of secrecy for the sake of national security, the
realization that the White House only recently admitted such to
them after years of whitewashing and glossing over the facts has
brought forth both scrutiny of our government, along with some questions
which weigh heavy on the minds of those concerned about what America is
doing, and how it will affect us as a nation domestically, and abroad?
The
major combined question most need an answer to is if the strikes are
detrimental to our long-professed values of justice, and whether the use
of these will eventually backfire on America with other nations around
the world, including those who currently claim to be allied with us?
If these attacks are "just", as President Obama stated in his Thursday
address at the National Defense University in Washington D.C., then the
United States will be vindicated as a fair and just nation committed
preserving the peace, human rights, and mutual dignity all peoples
around the world deserve. If not, then we, as a nation, will perhaps be
vilified as being oppressive, hypocritical, and deceitfully aggressive.
Let
us gather in hope that we never face the latter, for the results would
not only bring this great nation down in shame, but in ways which would
dwarf 9/11 beyond our imagination as many of our allies would have to
stand down in order to protect their nations interests.
Let us also gather in
hope that our nation's leaders have made the right decisions in this regard, and that in time history will prove to be kind.
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